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Guests at Spiekerooger Leidenschaft can enjoy a daily late-riser breakfast buffet from This property offers its guests a Finnish and steam sauna for free.

This property also has one of the top-rated locations in Spiekeroog! Guests are happier about it compared to other properties in the area.

Couples in particular like the location — they rated it 9. This property is also rated for the best value in Spiekeroog! Guests are getting more for their money when compared to other properties in this city.

Spiekerooger Leidenschaft has been welcoming Booking. We're sorry, but there was an error submitting your comment. Good for couples — they rated the facilities 8.

Highly rated by recent guests 9. Please note that no extra beds are available in this category. This room category features a balcony, terrace or French balcony.

Sorry — there was an error submitting your response. Bedding and towels are included. Please note that a daily cleaning service is not offered. This apartment features a separate bedroom, and a living area with a kitchenette.

Set on 2 floors, this room has a separate bedroom and a dressing room. This double room features a seating area and mini-bar. This double room features an electric kettle and CD player.

Prices you can't beat! WiFi is available in the hotel rooms and is free of charge. It looks like something went wrong submitting this. Cancellation and prepayment policies vary according to room type.

Please enter the dates of your stay and check what conditions apply to your preferred room. Cards accepted at this hotel.

Spiekerooger Leidenschaft accepts these cards and reserves the right to temporarily hold an amount prior to arrival. Please inform Spiekerooger Leidenschaft of your expected arrival time in advance.

You can use the Special Requests box when booking, or contact the property directly using the contact details in your confirmation.

This property is located in a residential area, and guests are asked to refrain from excessive noise. Leidenschaft passion is definitely the 1 place to stay on Spiekeroog where I'm vacationing since I was 1 year old and meanwhile know all options The Island Spiekeroog itself is awesome.

Schön das auch Kaffeespezialitäten gewählt werden konnten. Es war alles da und frisch. Kein Lachs von der Stange wie sonst üblich sondern sehr guter gebeizter Gravad.

Selbstgemachtes Pesto und selbstgemachte Marmeladen. Die Sauna ist klein und ungewöhnlich, aber ausreichend. Breakfast was great, the view from the room nice.

Be prepared that reception closes at 5pm They gave a front sunset facing upstairs balcony room what is a real treat believe me Furnishings too big for small space.

Great breakfast buffet until 1 pm, comfortable bed, very quiet and centrally located. Please enter a valid email address.

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The only way to leave a review is to first make a booking. That's how we know our reviews come from real guests who have stayed at the property.

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Sign in — opens a dialog box. Spiekerooger Leidenschaft Germany Deals. This property is either next to the beach or will have its own private access.

Spiekerooger Leidenschaft Reserve now. Traveler photo of Spiekeroog. Parkett und Teppich Flexibel und platzsparend: Durch das dreigangige Gelenk ist der Deik EV Akkustaubsauger so flexibel, dass Stuhl oder Tischbeine kein Hindernis darstellen und auch platzsparend.

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Mit dem entnehmbaren Akkuhandsauger stellen selbst schwer zugängliche Stellen oder hohe Raumhöhen keine Herausforderung mehr dar Maximale Leistung ohne Kabel: The Syrian border is only 30 kilometers 18 miles away.

Tabarak is from the western Syrian city of Homs. The house she grew up in was destroyed years ago, along with the entire neighborhood. The family hasn't heard anything from her father and uncle since they were abducted by thugs working for the regime of Syrian dictator Bashar Assad in Tabarak believes that both men are dead.

Her husband Ammar no longer has a home either. They are distantly related, and he was her neighbor in Homs. The two married in April , after fleeing to Lebanon, when Tabarak was 18 and Ammar was She became pregnant soon afterwards.

The couple decided that Ammar should go to Germany, and that Tabarak would join him there after the child was born.

That was the plan. The borders are closed to Tabarak and countless other women and children. While their husbands have found refuge in Germany, where they receive government money and attend German classes, the women have been left behind - in poor neighborhoods in Lebanon, refugee camps in Greece or bombed-out neighborhoods in Syria.

The refugees posing for selfies with Chancellor Merkel are almost always men. When a large number of migrants set out for Germany in , German laws generally allowed for recognized refugees to bring their spouses and children to Germany at a later date.

But the government has gradually tightened its asylum rules in the last two years, restricting family reunification. Refugees who were not recognized as being persecuted but merely "in potentially serious danger," in the Syrian civil war, for example, are now no longer entitled to bring family members to Germany.

About , people have been placed into this secondary category since Thousands of women, together with their children, are now stuck in camps on the Greek island of Lesbos or the northern Greek city of Thessaloniki, even women with a legal right to follow their husbands to Germany.

According to Greek media reports, there are agreements between Greece and Germany to slow down the family reunification process, which the German government denies.

The situation in Turkey is similar. Minors who fled to Germany can now be joined by their parents, but not their siblings, even if the siblings are younger than It has also become more difficult for those who qualify to enter Germany legally.

For migrants with minimal German language skills, it is virtually impossible to overcome bureaucratic and legal hurdles. The German Foreign Ministry estimates that up to , people are currently waiting for permission to travel to Germany.

Many are Syrians, primarily women and children. They are the refugees in the greatest need of protection but now their chances of reaching Germany have dwindled to almost nothing.

People have been calling for the establishment of a female quota in many sectors of German society, but hardly anyone talks about the gender imbalance among refugees.

About 74 percent of the refugees between the ages of 18 and 24 who have applied for asylum this year are men and the women and children who were left behind have no lobby to give them a voice.

Tabarak sits on a mattress on the floor and shows photos of her daughter Fatmeh on her mobile phone. In one photo, the little girl is blowing kisses to her father in Hamburg.

Tears run down Tabarak's cheeks as her nine-year-old sister strokes her arm. Tabarak lives with her mother and five younger siblings in the two-room shack.

There is no furniture, and their belongings are stowed in wall niches behind pieces of green material. The family can only use one of the rooms in the winter, because the ceiling in the other one leaks.

Tabarak spends much of her days watching videos of Fatmeh playing with a hand mirror in the corner or toddling around the house.

The last photo on her mobile phone shows Fatmeh lying in a hospital bed with tubes connected to her face. The accident happened last October.

Tabarak was boiling eggs when the pot slipped off the gas stove. Fatmeh, who had been playing next to her mother, fell into the puddle of scalding water.

The family immediately took the two-year-old to an infirmary in Tripoli. Fatmeh remained in the hospital ward with her burns for 10 days, says Tabarak.

When Fatmeh screamed too loudly in pain, the staff sedated her with full anesthesia. The doctors eventually advised Tabarak that a skin transplant should be performed.

According to Tabarak, the doctors removed a tissue sample from the girl's arm and then forgot to suture the wound, which became infected.

Tabarak was holding her daughter's hand when she died. She used the WhatsApp video chat feature to communicate with her husband Ammar as it happened.

She is referring to the loss of her child, her home and her father, the fear of never seeing her husband again, and her lack of prospects. Taghrid can no longer hold back the tears.

When Lula anointed Rousseff as his successor inshe was virtually unknown by Beste Spielothek in Ausser Latterbach finden public. At first, when the generals were still in power, it built its image by calling for strikes on a regular basis. Sitting in a leather armchair on the first floor of the institute that bears his name, Lula insists that he hasn't committed any crime. But there were constant pay slot titan way with the factory manager, and Ahmad eventually decided that it wasn't the kind of life he wanted his family to lead. Politicians who didn't just appeal to the people when they happened to Beste Spielothek in Uenglingen finden campaigning for office. No doubt, that was a very important step toward the country development. Please note that no extra beds are available in this category. Domestic demand exploded, thanks to cheap consumer credit. I looked at Lula, who had just been elected president, and I still remember thinking: Geben Sie einfach das gewünschte Keyword, bzw.

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These days, Rousseff is thinking in grand, epoch-spanning terms, as she bids farewell to this house and the office of president.

The Olympic Games, which will begin on Friday in Rio de Janeiro, were intended as a big red carpet where Rousseff would accept congratulatory statements from around the world.

She had imagined that these games would shine a spotlight on a country that had found answers to the questions of the 21st century. It was a magical moment when Rio was awarded the games in the fall of While the rest of the world was sliding into a major economic crisis, people lay in each other's arms on Copacabana Beach.

A little later, the Economist depicted the statue of Christ the Redeemer in Rio on its cover as a rocket about to take off. The image became a symbol of the fact that Brazil had finally joined the club of the world's biggest economic powers.

Millions of people had risen from poverty to join the middle class. Hunger was on the decline, as was the number of people who couldn't read or write.

It appeared that a new class of politicians had found a third way to reconcile Brazil with its past. It long seemed as if the Olympics would become the project's coronation ceremony, a frenzy of outstretched fists.

Lula and the heads of other countries. Lula and Dilma, who he championed as his successor when he was unable to run for a third term in It's important to remember this in a week in which Rousseff has said publicly that she will not attend the opening ceremony because she refuses to sit in a second-class box.

It isn't easy to say when exactly the Brazilian rocket went off course. When the world turns its eyes to Brazil today, it sees a country whose economy is in one of the worst recessions in its history.

It sees a political system that appears exhausted after a seemingly endless series of corruption scandals. Large portions of the political elite, long considered untouchable, are now in prison for plundering the coffers of the partially government-owned oil company Petrobras.

It isn't easy to keep track of all the trials currently underway against members of parliament and senators, and against party treasurers, money launderers and the directors of large construction companies.

There are so many that it sometimes feels as if they were crippling the country. But it's a breathless standstill, at least in Brasilia, where politicians are afraid of what each new day will bring, and of every new star witness who could incriminate them.

The capital is now a nervous biotope that has become disconnected from reality, where large automakers are temporarily laying off workers, and where inflation is reducing the buying power of low wage earners.

It isn't clear who turned away first: No one believes in their good intentions anymore. It is clear, however, that something became pent up, that what was ultimately needed was a valve, and that this valve now consists of some sugarcoated budget numbers with which Rousseff sought to obscure the truth about major holes in the government budget.

This is the official reason for the impeachment proceedings. The numbers are an excuse for a political trial that is being used to judge Rousseff's entire term in office.

The question now is not so much what will happen to her, but what will happen to Brazil. What happens to a workers' party that is inextricably linked to Brazil's advancement?

When the Partido dos Trabalhadores PT came into power, it fueled hopes among the people that everything would change.

That they would become more than a group of voters who put politicians into office and provide them with funds.

Today, 13 years later, the PT itself is one of the parasites that have infested the tree of Brazilian democracy. When Rousseff is asked, on this morning in the presidential palace, why she has so much trouble talking about her party's failings, and about her own involvement in the many crises, she changes the subject.

This isn't the time to talk about that yet, says Rousseff. But others are talking, men who jumped off the train when they realized that it was heading straight for a wall.

The stories they tell are about disappointments, disaffection and betrayed ideals. A feeling of hopelessness has permeated all conversations in the weeks leading up to the Olympics.

Rousseff cuts her own flowers these days. Sometimes she invites senators to dinner at the palace.

The goal of these meetings ought to be to convince fickle politicians to vote for her return to the office of president in the critical vote this autumn.

Rousseff believes she is now missing six votes. The outcome is still uncertain, and yet she spends most of her time talking to her guests about literature.

Cristovam Buarque, a short, older man dressed in a suit, is one of those brooding figures that were recently at the palace.

We meet with him in his office above the Senate on a morning in July. Buarque was a cabinet minister in the Lula administration.

Today he represents a small leftist party. He's one of those former allies who now hold the key to Rousseff's future.

On the other hand, should we ignore the fact that the woman at the wheel previously ran over a number of people? Buarque, who earned a doctorate in economics in Paris during the dictatorship, was long the dean of the University in Brasilia.

When he joined the PT in , Lula had just failed in his first bid for the presidency. The story that connects him to the PT is one that many in Brasilia are telling today.

Buarque says that one needs to have a sense of the spirit of optimism in those early years to understand the full dramatic impact of the collapse.

The PT, which emerged in from a coalition of leftist resistance groups, labor unions and liberation theologians, was essentially Brazil's first mass political movement.

The street was its home, says Buarque. At first, when the generals were still in power, it built its image by calling for strikes on a regular basis.

Later, when Buarque had already joined the party, Lula spent weeks traveling through remote provinces in a pickup truck, talking to small farmers and the landless, people in whom no one in Brasilia was interested.

It was something new: Politicians who didn't just appeal to the people when they happened to be campaigning for office. Who offered an ideological program instead of merely trying to buy a few votes for the price of a plate of beans.

Lula called the events citizens' caravans, and Brazil's minorities realized for the first time that they were in fact the majority.

In those years, says Buarque, it became increasingly clear that the recipes recommended by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund only benefited a post-colonial upper class.

A call for more social justice resonated throughout the entire South American continent, not just in Brazil -- and a demand for a new, more honest generation of politicians.

That was the initial situation, in the fall of , when Lula seemed presidential for a majority in Brazil for the first time. He describes an open letter in which Lula appealed to the Brazilian people before the election as the original sin.

To dispel the fears of the middle class that Brazil would follow in the footsteps of Venezuela, where Hugo Chavez had just declared the Bolivarian Revolution, Lula promised economic stability.

The only utopia that survived was the promise that corruption would no longer be tolerated," says Buarque. Lula entrusted the Education Ministry to Buarque.

Perhaps it was out of gratitude, or perhaps because he liked an idea that Buarque had developed as governor of the capital district.

It was later incorporated into the Bolsa Familia program, which remains one of the PT's greatest achievements to this day: Buarque would have liked to have implemented the program himself, but in , a year after he came into office, Lula called to inform him that he needed his post for someone else.

Buarque is one of many whose thoughts are filled with an undertone of melancholy these days. Old wounds are being reopened, or they are being covered up by fundamental questions.

Many in Brasilia believe that the PT needs to reinvent itself, preferably in the opposition, but they question its ability to do so. Others are calling for new elections, but that would require an amendment to the constitution.

Besides, what would happen then? Where are the presidential candidates who can credibly say today that no one will denounce them tomorrow?

He too had his reservations when Rousseff's suspension was recently debated in the congress, but Valente refuses to pave the way for a man like Temer, who represents everything they have always fought, to come into power.

A bearded man with shaggy hair who, like Rousseff, was tortured during the dictatorship, he is now a member of parliament for a small leftist party called PSOL.

I looked at Lula, who had just been elected president, and I still remember thinking: Damn it, it's going to get complicated now.

In Brasilia, the PT encountered a world that was subject to different laws than the streets. Its coordinates have remained the same since the colonial era.

Even though Brazil is no longer a monarchy today, but a so-called coalition presidential system, the political world still revolves around succession, privileges and providing favors.

The Brazilian constitution does not contain a five-percent clause, like the one that requires parties in Germany to secure at least five percent of the vote to enter parliament.

There are no coalition agreements, and lawmakers are not subject to party discipline. As a result, the PT, which held only 91 of a total of seats during Lula's first term in office, had to secure the support of at least members before every vote.

These lawmakers were distributed among 32 other parties. The Brazilian parliament is like a big marketplace, one in which, as Valente puts it, it helps to have the disposition of a horse trader.

Those who need majorities obtain them by handing out ministerial posts or influential positions in government-owned companies. Most of all, he sought to establish ties with a party that, more than any other party, treats politics as a comprehensive business.

The PMDB, an ideologically flexible centrist party founded in the days of the dictatorship, is a collection of the old Brazilian elite, large land owners, media moguls and family clans that have controlled entire states since the colonial era.

They are politicians whose main objective is to ensure that no one gets in the way of their private business dealings. In the year in which Lula swore the first PMDB minister into office, Michel Temer, a lawmaker representing the party, was the president of the parliament.

What should I do? The higher purpose, as he saw it, justified the means of forming an unholy alliance with the class enemy. Valente says he was surprised at the time, when his party leader, a man he had known in his guerilla days, was caught with a suitcase filled with cash as he was taking it to the office of an affiliated party.

It wasn't until that Valente learned the significance of this suitcase, when it gradually emerged that government positions were not the only bargaining chips at play in the political backrooms of Brasilia.

Private firms that sought to do business with government-owned companies had been coerced to pay bribes to the party leadership.

The scandal exposed that the PT was now part of the system it had set out to change. It was as if Lula had thrown everything overboard, says Valente -- all of the party's values and morals.

The party was suddenly holding its meetings in luxury hotels instead of monasteries. Expensive PR agencies were hired to organize its election campaigns.

And then there was the party treasurer, who rebuffed inquiries into illicit funds with the words: Too much transparency is idiocy.

When Valente left the party in , no one stopped him. Lula's first term was coming to an end at the time, and it seemed as if he was floating on a cloud on which he was unassailable.

The Brazilian export economy grew, fueled by China's thirst for raw materials. Domestic demand exploded, thanks to cheap consumer credit.

In those years, many Brazilians bought their first refrigerator, their first car or their first apartment. Soon many of these people had multiple credit cards.

When geologists discovered massive oil fields off the coast of Rio in , Lula dubbed Brazil the Saudi Arabia of the West.

Brazil was now a global player, and it was even demanding a seat on the United Nations Security Council. In the year after his reelection, Lula launched a massive investment program to further stimulate growth.

Under the supervision of his then-energy minister, Dilma Rousseff, Brazil now planned to build a railroad line that would enable soybean farmers to transport their goods to the country's Atlantic ports.

There was one project in particular that embodied the gigantism of those years: The construction of the Belo Monte hydroelectric dam complex, which was intended to quench the economy's thirst for energy.

The plans, which called for the construction of the world's third-largest dam on a tributary of the Amazon River, was a holdover from the military dictatorship.

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